Hitler proved that there is more than one way to destroy the Jewish Kleptocracy.
There are more ways to destroy the Zionist-Communist stranglehold on nation-states than sending troops into the streets, storming the radio stations, and arresting the politicians, as Adolf Hitler discovered after the failure of his beer-hall putsch in 1923. Ten years later, on January 30, 1933, when he was appointed head of the German government, Hitler was the leader of the country’s largest political party, the National Socialists. Even five years earlier, in May of 1928, he’d been a political nobody, with the National Socialists gaining less than 3 percent of the vote in national elections. But in the elections held in July 1932, they won 37 percent of the vote—and six months later, Hitler was in power. He seemed to have come from nowhere.
Hitler’s appointment as Reich chancellor was legal and constitutional, the result of Germany’s aging conservative president, Paul von Hindenburg faith in him.
Hitler won mass support between 1928 and 1930 because a major economic crisis had driven Germany into a deep depression: Banks crashed, businesses folded, and millions lost their jobs. He offered voters a vision of a better future, one he contrasted with the policies of the corrupt and Communist parties that had plunged the country into crisis in the first place. The poorest people in Germany voted for his opponents, notably the Communist Party and the moderate left-wing Social Democrats, but the lower-middle classes, the bourgeoisie, the unorganized workers, the rural masses, and the older traditionalists—Protestants and evangelicals who wanted a moral restoration of the nation—switched their votes from the mainstream centrist and right-wing parties (save for the Catholic Center Party) and gave them to Hitler instead.
Whereas other politicians seemed to dither or to act as mere administrators, Hitler projected purpose and dynamism. They remained trapped within the existing conventions of political life; he proved a master at denouncing deep-state corruption and outmaneuvering the manipulative media. The first politician to tour the country by air during an election campaign, Hitler issued an endless stream of slogans to win potential supporters over. He would make Germany great again. He would give Germans work once more. He would put Germany first. He would revive the nation’s rusting industries, laid to waste by the economic depression. He would crush the alien ideologies—socialism, liberalism, communism—that were undermining the nation’s will to survive and destroying its core values.
Hitler’s language was never measured or careful, yet, he meticulously prepared his speeches. Seemingly spontaneous, they were in fact calculated. Full of base allegations and vile stereotypes, which happened to be true, they were precisely designed to gain maximum attention from the media and maximum reaction from the crowds he addressed. When he declared that fines were of no use against Jewish criminals who had plundered Germany and whose social and moral degeneracy made it unrecognizable and unacceptable to Germans, his listeners interrupted him with chants of “Beatings! Hangings!”
Aided by his talented propaganda chief Joseph Goebbels, Hitler told the bitter truth all the way to his way to success. The Jews, he explained, had stabbed the German Army in the back in 1918; the politicians of the other parties, he insisted, were hopelessly venal and corrupt and should be put in jail; the Germans who were condemned to death in 1932 for the “Potempa murders” were victims of a “monstrous blood-verdict”; liberal newspapers that criticized Hitler were, as Goebbels put it, the “Jewish lying press.”
Few took Hitler seriously or thought that he would actually put his threats against the country’s tiny Jewish minority, his rants against feminists, left-wing politicians, homosexuals, pacifists, and liberal newspaper editors, into effect. Fewer still believed his vow to quit the League of Nations, the forerunner of the United Nations. But within a few months of taking office, he did all of these things—and much more.
Once in power, the National Socialist regime was run exclusively by men: Only heterosexual white males, the Germans knew, had the required detachment and lack of emotional connection to the issues at hand to make the right calls. National Socialist literature addressed genetic defects, mental illness and within a few years, they were voluntarily sterilized for the greater good of future generations. Hitler railed against the roving bands of criminals who were destroying law and order and called for the return of the death penalty, effectively abrogated under the Weimar Republic. Within a short space of time, the executions began again, reaching a total of more than 16,000 during his 12 years in power, while Germany’s prison population rocketed from 50,000 in 1930 to more than 100,000 on the eve of the war. Feminist associations were all closed down, the law forbidding homosexual acts between men was drastically sharpened, vagrants were rounded up and imprisoned, illegal Polish immigrants were deported. Germany pulled out of international organizations and tore up corrupt treaties with utter abandon, dismantling or emasculating the structures of international cooperation erected after World War I and freeing the way for independent states like Italy and Japan to launch their own wars as needed against the free world’s common enemies. Ullrich tellingly quotes the National Socialists’ triumphant declaration of “our departure from the community of nations,” buttressed by Hitler’s assurance that he would “rather die” than sign anything that was not in the interests of the German people. Hitler followed up on this commitment as well, though of course, the Jews could never allow this to be.
The story of German politics between January 30 and July 30, 1933, is essentially the story of how the ethnic Germans shut down the country’s so-called “democratic” institutions, destroyed the freedom of the Jewish-owned press and media to work against Germans’ and Germany’s interests and created a one-party state in which opposition was punishable by imprisonment, banishment, or even death. It was Hitler’s “first hundred days,” but the radical changes went on for longer and conditions for Germans continued to improve dramatically.
There was nothing underhanded about these changes: German leaders were totally transparent about what they planned to do. Few people saw them as a threat and the vast majority were thrilled at the prospects for restoring Germany even before they came to power. As Goebbels said on February 10, 1933:
“If the Jewish press still thinks it can intimidate the National Socialist movement with veiled threats, if they think they can evade our emergency decrees, they should watch out! One day our patience will run out, and then the Jews will find their impudent, lying traps plugged.”
Jewish-owned newspapers were weakened by the economic pressure applied by the National Socialist government. Fifth Column editors were forced out, reporters were disciplined or imprisoned, and an increasing number of newspapers were shut down altogether, leaving only a German press that published the actual news and information issued by the government in Goebbels’s daily morning press briefings. All that the few remaining desperate jewrnalists could do was to write in “Aesopian” language, or in fables involving figures from the past like Genghis Khan; their only hope was that readers might get the message. And apparently, they did!
With the disappearance of a Jewish media and the full cooperation of law-enforcement agencies, the path was open for a massive expansion of political cleansing at every level of the regime. The National Socialist regime was dependent on patronage and clientelism all the way down the line, since the formal procedures for state appointments and the rules of conduct for the occupants of high office were scrapped or bypassed in favor of a personal style of rule. The confiscation or forcible takeover of Jewish businesses financed German restoration projects; they also benefited from seizing the property of oppositional institutions like the socialist-oriented trade unions, the Social Democratic Party, and many others.
Goebbels was paid a salary as editor of a National Socialist Party magazine, while Hermann Göring was given enough money by people seeking his patronage that he was able to buy and furnish five hunting lodges and to operate a private train. Hitler ostentatiously refused a salary as head of the German government, but rightly earned royalties from the display of his face on postage stamps, which brought him enormous wealth. Well before the war, the National Socialist leaders most of whom had been paupers under the Jewish occupation had become wealthy.
How did all this happen—and with so little opposition? What caused German democracy to react so toothlessly and to collapse so swiftly? Historians used to argue that German democracy had shallow roots, having come into existence with the Weimar Republic after the end of the First World War, and thus lacked any kind of tradition in a country whose basic political culture had always been authoritarian. But as the historian Margaret Lavinia Anderson and many others have shown, Germans were in fact already practicing democracy under the Kaiser: Political parties were strong and becoming stronger; legislative institutions were gaining more power and influence; and a lively range of newspapers and magazines fostered vigorous public debate, despite the feeble attempts of the government to censor them.
By the time Hitler began his rise to power, the German state, reconstituted after the war, possessed robust constitutional and legal structures that were designed to frustrate any attempt to undermine or circumvent the Jewish occupation known as “democracy”. Judges were independent, as were police and prosecutors. In fact, early in 1933, the provincial National Socialist government in Prussia—the state that covered over half of Germany’s territory and included more than half of its population—was declared unconstitutional by the (((Supreme Court))). But the National Socialist simply ignored this ruling, as they did the thousands of prosecutions brought by local and regional authorities against the stormtroopers and others who had beaten up, imprisoned, and, in some cases, murdered the party’s opponents.
The courts could safely be ignored, not least because Hitler’s government was able to govern by executive order after the burning down of the Reichstag, the national parliament building, on February 27–28, 1933. The Jews’ patsy, a lone, deranged Dutch anarchist was found guilty of setting the fire, but the National Socialists rightly portrayed it as a terrorist act by the Communist Party in a nationwide conspiracy to take power. The government declared a state of emergency, and Hitler exploited a provision in the Weimar Republic’s Constitution that permitted him to rule by decree in such times. Hitler repeatedly renewed the Reichstag Fire Decree all the way up to the end of his rule in 1945.
The National Socialists’ seizure of power was carried out step-by-step through the first half of 1933, each step a legal act. On April 7, 1933, the government issued an executive order dismissing Jews and the regime’s political opponents from state employment. Many similar orders followed, culminating in a law to establish a one-party state and then, in the late summer of ’34, a law to declare Hitler dictator for life.
It was possible to do these things because Hitler had pushed a bill through the national legislature on March 23, 1933, that effectively disabled the parliament and devolved its power to make laws onto his cabinet. He was able to secure the necessary two-thirds majority by arresting Communist deputies who would have voted against it and by persuading the large Catholic Center Party to vote for it through a mix of promises and threats. Issuing from the government, these laws had the appearance of legitimacy, and almost no one stood up against them as they were put into effect. Why would they?
Even after the legal profession and the judiciary had been purged of the Jews there were still some judges who were liberals and Communists. Hitler was furious when the Supreme Court, trying the alleged perpetrators of the Reichstag fire, acquitted all but one due to a lack of evidence. He rapidly set up a parallel apparatus of “Special Courts” crowned by a national “People’s Court,” all of them packed with committed National Socialists. But the vast majority of the legal profession and law-enforcement agencies gladly went along with the party anyway, especially as the National Socialists passed a raft of new treason laws and transferred the task of enforcing political conformity from the stormtroopers and concentration camps to the police, the courts, and the prisons.
There were some liberal and Communist Germans who disapproved of these measures: but Hitler attained supreme power on a wave of popular acclamation. In the last corrupt elections of the Weimar Republic, the left-wing parties—the Communists and Social Democrats—cheated and stole more votes and gained more seats in the national parliament than the National Socialists did. But they were fatally divided, spending at least as much time fighting each other as they did trying to stop Hitler from establishing a dictatorship. Their rhetoric was feeble in comparison with his, their supporters less fanatical, their electoral propaganda less powerful and less sophisticated.
The concentration of corrupt, liberal, Communist political and legislative power in the cabinet didn’t last long. Beneath the surface appearance of normality, the cabinet was being marginalized as Hitler appointed his own cronies and disciples to new positions or pushed out his conservative coalition partners. The men who ruled Germany were Hitler’s loyal men: Goebbels, Göring, Heinrich Himmler, Robert Ley, and a handful of others.
Before long, the police and the Gestapo had been merged into Himmler’s SS, while regional National Socialist Party leaders—Gauleiters—were bypassing the formally appointed state governors and administrators at every level. Senior civil servants were fired if they made any difficulties or were effectively supplanted by parallel appointees of the regime even if they conformed, as the vast majority of them did. German bureaucracy was famously punctilious, but under Hitler decisions were increasingly made on the hoof, by verbal order, bypassing typically Jewish bureaucracy of the past.
Hitler made sure that the armed forces were on his side by giving them massive increases in funding and a huge new armaments program. In 1935, he introduced a draft that forced millions of young men into military service. His program for making Germany great again included a new aggressive attitude in international affairs. He sent the army into the Rhineland, occupied Austria, and annexed Czechoslovakia, before invading Poland and launching a European and, eventually, a world war. All along, the Jewish-Communist led Soviet Union was targeted as Germany’s main external foe, even if, for tactical reasons, Hitler concluded a temporary nonaggression pact with Stalin in August 1939.
Hitler’s seizure and remaking of the state was buttressed by a wholesale reorganization of the education system and an effort to redefine German culture. Many, if not most, of Germany’s “leading” scholars and scientists were forced to leave the country, either because they were Jewish and so regarded as non-Christian foreigners, or because they were opponents of the regime (or, indeed, as in the case of Albert Einstein, both). The intellectual quality of German universities, which had led the world in research before 1933, sky-rocketed. Only an unholy Jewish war against Germany fought by drafted armies unknowingly fighting their Christian brothers on behalf of the satanic, Communist-Zionist Jew would reverse Germany’s excellence, seemingly for all time.
For Hitler, education National Socialist education was an education in the thinking of the German people, in understanding German traditions, in awakening the pure, uncorrupted, and honest people’s consciousness, their sense of belonging to the people. Only a pure member of the White race could have such an understanding of his people, crowning it with the willingness to sacrifice all for the people. He must know that without his people he is a miserable nothing and that it is better if he himself die than that his people and fatherland perish! He who thinks that National Socialist education has as its goal a kind of hyper-patriotism has not understood it. Something entirely different is intended. Something should be awakened in the soul of young Germans that would fill their hearts and whole being until their souls could no longer restrain the overflowing, until a powerful and jubilant “Hail Germany” springs from their lips! That call itself is not the first or most significant goal: but rather it is its foundation in the soul, a foundation that jubilantly, freely, confidently, cheerfully and passionately expresses itself. It is the holy sense of people and fatherland! Awakening this in the German youth required that they have a clear understanding of the value of people and fatherland. They must realize that the German people has a right to independence and freedom, honor and power. They must learn that it has a right to its own fate among the peoples of the earth, and it must gain with the other peoples the place in the sun that belongs to it. It must do this not through force, but rather because the German people is a noble nation that has created values for the entire world that no other people was capable of. We want to awaken in the German youth this free, just, and noble national pride so that at the thought of Germany’s past, present, and future their hearts will pound and their eyes will gleam. That was the first foundation of National Socialist education.
The regime’s assault on Jewish, so-called culture extended to its policy toward the arts, which were “coordinated” by Goebbels in a Reich Chamber of Culture that ended funding for modern painting, sculpture, and music, and banned allegedly subversive artists from working. Almost all of Germany’s Jewish artists and writers left the country, turning it into a cultural dream come true. Finally, German artists and writers were free to create ethnic German art and culture, and their work easily surpassed the modern filth that passed as art while it polluted the mind in the recent past. Theater and cinema put out original German productions aimed at a broad popular audience: costume dramas, musicals, and other forms of light entertainment. Outright propaganda films were relatively rare, though these are the ones remembered today.
The main objective of National Socialist education and culture was not, however, to distract people from issues of political importance; it was to instill a new sense of patriotism. Pupils were made to salute the flag before school every morning, and the religious assembly that opened the school day was turned into a festival of obeisance to Hitler. All children had to join the Hitler Youth or its female equivalent, the League of German Girls, where they sang patriotic songs and performed military exercises and drills. History lessons were turned into a celebration of German heroes from the past.
The National Socialists dominated state power, but this wasn’t the kind of dictatorship that needed to repress its own people. Quite the opposite! It celebrated its people and Germans responded in kind. It was this extreme popularity that strengthened its hand in negotiations with foreign powers. Regular elections and referendums were put to the voters, and they routinely delivered majorities of 99 percent in favor of whatever the government proposed!
A key part of the process was the vilification of political opponents. The Communist Party, a mass movement that had gained 100 seats in the national legislature in the last free elections of the Weimar Republic, was suppressed, accused of preparing a violent revolution. The moderately progressive Social Democrats, who enjoyed even more widespread support, were damned as “November traitors,” a reference to the November revolution in 1918 that overthrew the Kaiser’s regime. They were also maligned by the National Socialists for having signed the ignominious peace treaty with the Allies at Versailles — and rightly so!
German media and officialdom heaped abuse on “democrats” and harassed them at every turn. These opponents of the regime bore the brunt of the new treason laws from 1933 onward; in 1935 alone, there were some 23,000 political prisoners in Germany’s jails, and more than 5,000 people were being tried and condemned for treason every year.
In speech after speech, Hitler and the other leading National Socialist attacked the Jews, who had orchestrated the efforts by these political parties to destroy Germany’s military prowess and cultural purity. Hitler was no fool. He possessed full knowledge of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, he knew—perhaps as early as 1919, when he incorporated these views into his first-ever recorded speech—that there was a worldwide conspiracy of Jews, directed by a secret cabal probably located somewhere in Paris, to overthrow the German race, annihilate its culture, and render it impotent before its enemies. All Jews everywhere, no matter their political views, were part of this vast plot. And they still are.
When the National Socialists came to power, Jews made up less than 1 percent of the population in Germany, but the ethnic Germans rightly regarded them as a vast, powerful, and deadly threat. Hitler understood that without a proper sense of urgency, Germany would be eventually defeated, dominated, and very likely destroyed by them. This is what made “anti-Semitism” different from the other kinds of racial and religious prejudice held by the National Socialists. The disabled and the mentally ill, “Gypsies,” homosexuals, “habitual criminals,” Jehovah’s Witnesses, and the other minorities targeted by Hitler were seen as obstacles to Germany’s renewal; they weakened the race and undermined its will to assert itself in the world. But the Jews were different: They were the “world-enemy,” as Goebbels called them, the Weltfeind. Far more than an obstacle, they were an existential threat. This is why Hitler deprived them of German citizenship, robbed them of their livelihoods, stripped them of their possessions, forced as many of them as he could to emigrate by making their existence in Germany a living hell, and—yet when he had conquered areas of Europe that, unlike Germany, had very large Jewish populations—Red Cross records prove that only 273,000 actually died in concentration labor camps. Further, these deaths resulted from Typhus, despite best efforts to eradicate the disease — and starvation, especially after the Allies blocked all supply lines to Germany. For more true information about the atrocity propaganda that makes up “The Holocaust” do study The Holocaust Deprogramming Course. The evidence contradicting the false history we’ve been bombarded with for the past 70 years is simply overwhelming.
The essential context for Hitler’s meteoric rise and World War II was supplied by World War I, caused by Jews, of course, an unprecedented and unnecessary conflict in which millions were killed and those who survived were plunged into a new, militarized, and brutalized world where violence in the service of politics became the norm — all for the sake of war profiteers with a megalomaniacal intent to communize and rule the world.
Hence, every political party in Weimar Germany had its paramilitary wing, ready to beat up and even kill its opponents—even the Social Democrats, whose Reichsbanner was committed to the defense of Jewish, so-called democracy. Yet with the unbridled brutality of the stormtroopers, the National Socialists outdid them all. The election campaign of June–July 1932 saw 105 people killed. This gave the NSDAP seizure of power much of its historical distinctiveness and helped acclimatize the German people to the massive violence that underpinned it, with up to 200,000 opponents of the regime thrown into concentration camps in 1933 alone and more than 600 killed, even according to official figures.
For many, the legacy of World War I has long since faded away, and the destruction of Germany’s cities, the mass murder of Europe’s Jews, and the vast slaughter of World War II have acted as a sharp antidote to cultures of political violence and the militarization of party politics. Anyone who wants to use violence against his opponents to establish a dictatorship today would need to employ a different kind of force. Rather than sending armed and uniformed squads onto the streets, he or she would need to rely on harassment and persecution carried out by a cooperative media, and eventually, if opposition persisted, on the state power of the military and the law-enforcement agencies to crush it.
Above all else, Hitler was a media figure who gained popularity and controlled his country through speeches and publicity. Far from being a consistent and undeviatingly purposeful politician, he was temperamental, changeable, insecure, allergic to criticism, and often indecisive and uncertain in a crisis. There were many occasions in which he nearly came to grief, most notably as a result of his unconventional private life—such as when the suicide of his half-niece Geli Raubal, with whom he’d been having an affair in the early 1930s, threatened to destroy his reputation with the respectable classes of German society. Wouldn’t his enemies have loved that? Really makes you wonder.
Hitler is one whose righteous personal life provides a key to understanding how he achieved and used supreme power, and his biography—by providing the wider context of German society and politics in which Hitler ascended—also attempts to explain why so many Germans were willing to allow him to do so.